Friday, February 28, 2025

[Rwanda Forum] The Genocide against the Hutu: Mass Killings of Hutu Before, During, and After 1994 in Rwanda, DRC and Uganda

The Genocide against the Hutu: Mass Killings of Hutu Before, During, and After 1994 in Rwanda, DRC and Uganda

https://rwandanrightsalliance.blogspot.com/2025/02/the-genocide-against-hutu-mass-killings.html

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The Genocide against the Hutu: Mass Killings of Hutu Before, During, and After 1994 in Rwanda, DRC and Uganda

Introduction

The topic of genocide against the Hutu is complex and often debated in academic and political circles. The most well-documented mass killings in Rwanda's history are the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, in which an estimated 800,000 to 1,000,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu were killed by Hutu extremists. However, there have been claims and counterclaims regarding atrocities committed against Hutu populations before, during, and after the genocide.

The document covers:

1.      The historical context of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide

2.      Allegations of mass killings of Hutu by the RPF

3.      Specific incidents like the Kibeho Massacre and Byumba Stadium killings

4.      Political assassinations and property seizures

5.      The role of Uganda and international actors

6.      The controversy and lack of international accountability

7.      Potential legal avenues for justice

1. Genocide Against the Tutsi (1994)

The Rwandan Genocide primarily targeted the Tutsi ethnic group. Hutu extremist militias, including the Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi, carried out mass killings over approximately 100 days (April to July 1994). The genocide was triggered by the assassination of President Juvénal Habyarimana (a Hutu), whose plane was shot down on April 6, 1994.

While the genocide is widely recognized as being against the Tutsi, moderate Hutus who opposed the extremist government or refused to participate in the killings were also targeted and murdered.

2. Mass Killings of Hutu (Before, During, and After 1994)

Some scholars, journalists, and organizations have pointed out that large numbers of Hutu civilians were also killed during and after the genocide, particularly by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the rebel group led by Paul Kagame, which eventually took over the country and ended the genocide. These killings are often described as reprisals or war crimes, though some claim they amount to genocide.

A. RPF Crimes During and After 1994

  • As the RPF advanced across Rwanda in 1994, reports emerged of mass killings of Hutu civilians suspected of being affiliated with the former government or militias.
  • In 1996-1997, after the genocide, the RPF-led Rwandan government pursued Hutu refugees who had fled to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (then Zaire). Many were civilians, and an estimated 200,000 to 300,000 may have been killed in attacks on refugee camps.
  • The UN Mapping Report (2010) documented these killings, suggesting they could amount to crimes against humanity or even genocide. However, no international legal body has officially recognized these as genocide.

B. The First and Second Congo Wars (1996–2003)

  • After 1994, millions of Hutu refugees fled to Zaire (now the DRC).
  • The Rwandan government, along with its allies, launched military interventions, targeting both Hutu extremist militias and civilians.
  • The violence led to millions of deaths in the region, but the exact number of Hutu vs. other victims remains debated.

3. Is There Legal Recognition of a Genocide Against the Hutu?

  • Unlike the Tutsi genocide, which has been recognized by the UN, international courts, and most historians, the mass killings of Hutu have not been officially declared a genocide.
  • The Rwandan government under Paul Kagame strongly denies that a genocide against the Hutu took place, arguing that RPF actions were military operations against genocidal forces.
  • Some researchers, such as Dr. Filip Reyntjens and Judi Rever, argue that the scale and intent of RPF killings meet the legal definition of genocide.
  • The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) did not prosecute RPF crimes, focusing solely on crimes committed by Hutu extremists.

4. Specific Incidents of Mass Killings

Killings of Refugees in Kibeho (Kibeho Massacre, 1995)

The Kibeho Massacre was a tragic event that took place on April 22, 1995, in Kibeho, southwestern Rwanda. It involved the mass killing of internally displaced Hutu refugees by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), the military wing of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) led by Paul Kagame.

Background: Why Were There Refugees in Kibeho?

  • After the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, in which Hutu extremists killed an estimated 800,000–1,000,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu, the RPF took control of Rwanda in July 1994.
  • Many Hutu civilians fled to refugee camps within Rwanda or into neighboring countries (especially Zaire, now DRC). These refugees included genuine civilians as well as former government soldiers and Hutu extremist militias (Interahamwe).
  • The Kibeho camp was one of the largest, holding between 80,000 and 100,000 refugees.

What Happened in Kibeho?

  • The Rwandan government wanted to shut down the refugee camps, claiming they were being used as bases for Hutu extremists.
  • In April 1995, the Rwandan army (RPA) surrounded Kibeho and started to forcibly close the camp.
  • When refugees refused to leave, violence broke out.
  • On April 22, 1995, Rwandan soldiers opened fire on unarmed civilians, killing thousands.

Casualty Estimates

The exact number of deaths remains disputed:

  • Official Rwandan Government Estimate: 338 killed
  • UN Estimates: Between 4,000 and 8,000 killed
  • Aid Organizations (Médecins Sans Frontières, Red Cross): Reported at least 5,000+ dead and thousands more wounded.
  • Eyewitness Accounts: Suggest indiscriminate killings using machine guns, grenades, and machetes.

International Reactions

  • The UN and international NGOs condemned the massacre but took limited action.
  • The Australian peacekeeping forces (part of the UN mission in Rwanda, UNAMIR) witnessed the killings and provided some documentation.
  • Paul Kagame defended the military's actions, claiming they were dealing with "insurgents" hiding among civilians.
  • No major prosecutions or international justice mechanisms addressed the massacre.

Killings of Hutu in Byumba Stadium (1994)

The Byumba Stadium Massacre is one of the many mass killings allegedly carried out by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) during its military campaign to seize power in Rwanda in 1994. This event is part of a broader set of reprisal killings against Hutu civilians and former government soldiers suspected of being involved in the genocide against the Tutsi.

Background: RPF's Advance in Byumba

  • The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), led by Paul Kagame, had been fighting against the Rwandan government since 1990, initially as a rebel group based in Uganda.
  • In April 1994, after the assassination of President Juvénal Habyarimana, genocide against the Tutsi began. The RPF launched a full-scale offensive, quickly capturing territory from government forces (FAR – Forces Armées Rwandaises).
  • By mid-April 1994, the RPF took control of Byumba, a city in northern Rwanda, which became one of its early strongholds.

Massacre at Byumba Stadium

  • As the RPF took over Byumba, thousands of Hutu civilians and government soldiers sought refuge in the Byumba football stadium.
  • On or around April 22, 1994, RPF forces allegedly rounded up the refugees inside the stadium.
  • Survivors and human rights reports claim that the RPF indiscriminately executed many of those inside.
  • Methods of killing reportedly included gunfire, grenades, and machetes.
  • Estimates of casualties range from several hundred to several thousand, though no precise figure has been officially confirmed.

Why Were Hutu Targeted?

  • While some of the victims may have been former government soldiers or militia members, many were civilians who had fled the violence and sought safety.
  • The RPF justified the killings as targeting génocidaires, but survivors and researchers argue that many innocent Hutu were killed without evidence of wrongdoing.
  • The massacre at Byumba was part of a pattern of RPF violence that continued throughout its advance across Rwanda.

Mass Killings of Hutu Refugees in Uganda

While much attention has been given to the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)'s mass killings of Hutu refugees in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), there is also evidence that Hutu refugees were targeted and killed in Uganda, particularly during the 1990s.

Uganda played a crucial role in the rise of the RPF. Paul Kagame and many RPF leaders were part of Yoweri Museveni's National Resistance Army (NRA) before they invaded Rwanda in 1990. After the genocide in 1994, many Hutu refugees fled to Uganda, but some of them were targeted in reprisals, extrajudicial killings, and forced disappearances.

Hutu Refugee Camps and Targeted Killings

Attacks on Hutu Refugees in Uganda (1994–1997)

After the RPF took power in Rwanda in July 1994, thousands of Hutu refugees, including civilians and former government officials, fled into Uganda. However, instead of being given full protection as refugees:

  • Many Hutu men, including ex-soldiers and former government officials, were arrested and later disappeared.
  • Some Hutu refugees were forcibly returned to Rwanda, where they were imprisoned or killed by the RPF.
  • Reports suggest that Ugandan security forces, in collaboration with the RPF, carried out assassinations of Hutu intellectuals, ex-military officers, and political figures in Uganda.
  • Some refugees who were suspected of anti-RPF activities were abducted from refugee settlements and later found dead.

Kyangwali and Nakivale Refugee Camps

  • Uganda housed Hutu refugees in camps such as Kyangwali and Nakivale.
  • Survivors report that RPF agents infiltrated these camps, targeting specific individuals.
  • Several mysterious disappearances and killings occurred, with bodies found outside the camps.

Role of the Ugandan Government

  • Uganda had been a key military and logistical supporter of the RPF during the war in Rwanda (1990–1994).
  • Yoweri Museveni's government was closely allied with Kagame, and intelligence-sharing between the two was common.
  • Some reports suggest that Ugandan intelligence forces helped identify and eliminate "anti-RPF" elements among the Hutu refugees.
  • Hutu refugees in Uganda were often labeled as "genocidaires," making them vulnerable to arbitrary arrests, forced disappearances, and extrajudicial executions.

5. Political Assassinations and Property Seizures

There is credible evidence that the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), after taking power in 1994, carried out political assassinations and mass killings of Hutu politicians, businessmen, and civilians. Many of these killings were not only acts of revenge but also served to eliminate opposition and seize property from the victims.

Killing of Hutu Politicians by the RPF

The RPF targeted moderate Hutu politicians who could have challenged its control or who were seen as a threat. Some of these individuals had even opposed the genocide but were still eliminated by the new government. Key examples include:

High-Profile Hutu Politicians Killed

  • Jean-Baptiste Habyalimana – Governor of Byumba Province, murdered by the RPF in April 1994.
  • Félicien Ngango – Vice President of the Social Democratic Party (PSD), disappeared in 1994.
  • Joseph Kavaruganda – President of the Constitutional Court, killed by RPF agents.
  • Landouald Ndasingwa – A moderate Hutu and leader of the Liberal Party (PL), executed along with his Tutsi wife and family.
  • Many Hutu mayors, judges, and local leaders were also killed or imprisoned on fabricated charges.

These politicians were either assassinated outright or falsely accused of genocide and executed extrajudicially.

The Elimination of Opposition Parties

  • Many Hutu politicians who were not associated with the genocide but opposed Kagame's rule disappeared or were assassinated.
  • The RPF absorbed or dismantled opposition parties, creating a one-party state under Kagame's control.

Mass Killings of Hutu Civilians for Land, Property, and Wealth

Many killings were motivated not just by politics and revenge but also by the desire to seize land, houses, businesses, and assets from Hutu victims.

Mass Displacements and Land Seizures

  • After the genocide, thousands of Hutu families were killed or forced into exile, allowing RPF members and supporters to take over their homes and businesses.
  • In Kigali, Butare, Byumba, and Gisenyi, many wealthy Hutu disappeared, and their homes were taken over by RPF soldiers and government officials.
  • The Gacaca courts (community tribunals) were used as a tool to falsely accuse Hutu of genocide, allowing Kagame's government to imprison them and confiscate their properties.

Targeting of Businessmen and Landowners

  • Wealthy Hutu businessmen and landowners were accused of "genocidal ideology," arrested, and often never seen again.
  • Survivors and researchers report that many of these individuals were executed and buried in mass graves.
  • The new Rwandan elite, composed mainly of Kagame's RPF inner circle, took control of these assets, leading to economic domination by a small group of powerful individuals.

6. Controversy and Cover-Up

  • Unlike the genocide against the Tutsi, RPF-led massacres have received limited international attention.
  • The Rwandan government denies or downplays these killings, calling them "collateral damage" in a military campaign.
  • Human rights groups, including Human Rights Watch and independent researchers like Judi Rever and Filip Reyntjens, have documented such massacres, arguing they could constitute war crimes or crimes against humanity.
  • The UN Mapping Report (2010) on RPF crimes in Congo also referenced earlier RPF atrocities within Rwanda.
  • Western governments, especially the U.S. and UK, supported Kagame and the RPF, making it difficult to bring attention to these crimes.
  • Journalists and researchers investigating RPF killings have been threatened, arrested, or forced into exile.

7. Legal Avenues for Justice

Bringing Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) leaders and officials responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity to justice is extremely challenging due to political protection, international interests, and suppression of evidence. However, several legal and advocacy strategies could be pursued:

International Criminal Prosecutions

  • Expand the mandate of the International Criminal Court (ICC)
    • The ICC can investigate crimes committed after 2002 if Rwanda accepts its jurisdiction.
    • However, Rwanda is not a member of the ICC, and Paul Kagame's government has strong international backing.
    • A way forward could be an ad-hoc tribunal for RPF crimes, similar to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).
  • Reopen investigations at the United Nations (UN)
    • The UN Mapping Report (2010) documented mass killings of Hutu refugees in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) by the RPF, calling them potential crimes of genocide.
    • Lobbying UN member states to push for an independent tribunal could be an option.
  • Seek Prosecutions Under Universal Jurisdiction
    • Countries like Belgium, France, Spain, and Germany have prosecuted Rwandan genocide suspects under universal jurisdiction laws.
    • Cases could be filed in these countries against RPF officials accused of crimes, particularly those living abroad.

African Union (AU) and Regional Courts

  • The African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) has jurisdiction over crimes committed by state actors.
  • Although Kagame's government influences AU politics, legal cases could be pursued through independent African human rights groups.

Organizations That Could Help Pursue Justice:

  1. Public International Law & Policy Group (PILPG): A global pro bono law firm with expertise in war crimes prosecution.
  2. Civitas Maxima: Dedicated to documenting mass crimes and seeking justice for victims.
  3. Humanitarian Law Center (HLC): Works on documenting human rights violations and pursuing justice for war crimes.
  4. Human Rights Watch (HRW): Has a history of reporting on human rights abuses in Rwanda, including those committed by the RPF.
  5. International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (IRMCT): Successor to the ICTR that continues to handle residual functions.

8. Conclusion: A Complex Legacy

While the RPF played a crucial role in ending the genocide against the Tutsi, these reports and testimonies suggest a need for a more nuanced understanding of the post-genocide period. The mass killings, political assassinations, and economic dispossession of Hutu by the RPF remain largely unacknowledged. Many researchers argue that the scale and intent of RPF crimes could qualify as genocide, yet no international action has been taken. Addressing these allegations is essential for comprehensive reconciliation and justice in Rwanda.

References:

  • Des Forges, Alison. Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda. Human Rights Watch, 1999.
  • United Nations Security Council. Report of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). 1999.
  • United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1993-2003: UN Mapping Report. 2010.
  • Reyntjens, Filip. Political Governance in Post-Genocide Rwanda. Cambridge University Press, 2013.
  • Médecins Sans Frontières. Kibeho: A Genocide That the World Chose to Ignore. 1995.
  • United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) reports, 1995.
  • Rever, Judi. In Praise of Blood: Crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front. Random House Canada, 2018.
  • Human Rights Watch reports on Byumba Massacre, 1994.
  • Amnesty International. Rwanda: Political Assassinations and Enforced Disappearances. 1997.
  • Reyntjens, Filip. Rwanda, Ten Years On: From Genocide to Dictatorship. African Affairs, 2004.
  • Human Rights Watch. Uganda: Refugees at Risk in Border Regions. 1996.
  • African Rights. Refugees in Uganda: A Forgotten People. 1997.
  • United Nations. International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: A Selective Approach to Justice? 2004.
  • Schabas, William A. Genocide in International Law: The Crimes of Crimes. Cambridge University Press, 2009.
  • International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH). Accountability for Crimes in Rwanda: A Roadmap for Justice. 2015.
  • African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. Human Rights Violations in Post-Genocide Rwanda. 2012.Lemarchand, René. The Dynamics of Violence in Central Africa. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009.
  • Prunier, Gérard. Africa’s World War: Congo, the Rwandan Genocide, and the Making of a Continental Catastrophe. Oxford University Press, 2009.

 

[Rwanda Forum] The Role of James Kabarebe in Mass Killings and Human Rights Violations in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The Role of James Kabarebe in Mass Killings and Human Rights Violations in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.


https://rwandanrightsalliance.blogspot.com/2025/02/the-role-of-james-kabarebe-in-mass.html

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Thursday, February 27, 2025

[Rwanda Forum] Il faut interdire aux médias internationaux de couvrir les activités de RDF et M23 dans les zones occupées.


Le Gouvernement RDC n'est   pas sérieux. Patrick Muyaya est perdu et inutile. Il ne sait pas ce qui se passe dans les zones occupées par le Rwanda dans le Kivu. Le Gouvernement Congolais ne devrait autoriser les médias internationaux de soutenir les activités de RDF/M23 dans ces zones. Il faut interdire AFP, TV5 Monde, France 24, Al Jazeera et d'autres de couvrir les activités de RDF et M23 comme les réunions, les rassemblements, etc. Par exemple, nous avons vu des reportages de TV5Monde   disant que le M23 est en train de nettoyer la ville et qu'il essaye de confirmer son autorité et administration de la ville. 


Quand les Congolais leur ont dit qu'il y a cessez-le-feu, ils sont tous heureux et vont au lit. C'est comme ça qu'ils ont perdu une grande zone contrôlée par le RDF/M23. La question qui se pose est celle-ci : on ne comprend pas comment RDF /M23 peut avoir des moyens humains pour contrôler cette grande zone. Pourquoi les Congolais eux-mêmes ne se posent pas cette question.  Pourquoi les Congolais, eux, ne parviennent pas eux à trouver les moyens militaires pour éliminer les moyens de défense installés par Kagame en RDC au lieu d'espérer que Kagame va les retirer sur pression de la communauté internationale..  Il faut que Patrick Muyaya établisse un radio FM de résistance. Les paysans écoutent la radio et n'ont pas les moyens pour payer les coûts associés à l'usage d'un téléphone portable.

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Tuesday, February 25, 2025

[Rwanda Forum] Guerre généralisée en région des Grands Lacs. C’est le tour du Burundi d’être attaqué?

Guerre généralisée en région des Grands Lacs. C'est le tour du Burundi d'être attaqué ? – Echos d'Afrique

https://www.echosdafrique.com/20250222-guerre-generalisee-en-region-des-grands-lacs-cest-le-tour-du-burundi-detre-attaque


Guerre généralisée en région des Grands Lacs. C'est le tour du Burundi d'être attaqué ?

C'est en parcourant les médias pour nous mettre au courant de la situation dans la guerre de conquête de la RDC par les troupes de Paul Kagame du Rwanda, que nous sommes tombés par hasard sur un communiqué diffusé par une radio des opposants burundais exilés au Rwanda que nous nous sommes rendus compte que bientôt ça va être le tour du Burundi d'être envahi par l'armée de Paul Kagame.

Nous disons bientôt car la situation à l'Est de la RDC est très volatile tellement la Blitzkrieg de la Wehrmacht de Hitler en 1940 en Europe  apparaitrait comme lambine et trainarde en comparaison à la guerre éclaire actuelle des Inkotanyi de Paul Kagame en RDC et dans la région.

Ainsi après la conquête de Goma, capitale du Nord Kivu et surtout de Bukavu capitale du Sud Kivu sans combats et tout cela à moins d'un mois, l'armée de Paul Kagame serait aux portes d'Uvira la dernière grande ville de l'Est de la RDC qui était encore sous contrôle des FARDC et qui fait face à celle de Bujumbura, capitale économique du Burundi.

Imminence de l'invasion du Burundi par l'armée de Paul Kagame sous ses supplétifs

C'est par une radio Youtube dénommée Télé Renaissance que nous nous sommes rendus compte que l'invasion du Burundi était imminente et que sa justification était déjà sur la table.

En effet dans un langage codé, les chefs du groupe terroriste regroupant les putschistes burundais repliés à Kigali depuis 2015, proclament à travers un communiqué d'une nébuleuse et inconnue "Coalition burundaise pour la Cour pénale internationale (CB-CPI)" dans une déclaration signée mardi le 18 février 2025 que diffuse  cette Télé Renaissance. Elle le fait via un média appartenant à Jeannette Kagame la First Lady du Rwanda et dont le Rédacteur en chef est le métis belgo-rwandais Albert Rudatsimburwa. On découvre quel prétexte ils vont évoquer pour justifier l'agression et l'invasion du Burundi par l'armée monoethnique de Kagame sous la couverture de cette organisation, comme ils le font en RDC sous le M23/RDF et impunément. Ils disent en effet : "Le gouvernement du Burundi doit[…] éviter que le pays ne soit infiltré par les auteurs du génocide rwandais, notamment les membres des FDLR et les groupes armés Wazalendo en provenance de la République démocratique du Congo".

 

Coïncidence ou plutôt concomitance, le même 18 février 2025 un groupe armé dénommé FBL-Abarundi et qui, dans ses objectifs, déclare vouloir "libérer le Burundi par les armes". Il proclame avoir vu le jour quelque part au Burundi et indique une localité (Musigati , Province Bubanza)  proche de la forêt de Kibira côté burundais et faisant frontière avec celle de Nyungwe au Rwanda. Il est en réalité, basé à Kigali.

Voyons schématiquement comment vont se dérouler les événements

 

Justification de agression et occasion

 

Paul Kagame et ses supplétifs vont déclarer que leur armée est entrée au Burundi pour y chercher et neutraliser les "génocidaires hutu" dits "FDLR".

En effet des milliers de réfugiés congolais fuyant la guerre au Nord et Sud Kivu continuent de chercher asile au Burundi. Or comme l'Est de la RDC est habitée à majorité par les Hutu, ils sont tous assimilés aux FDLR par Paul Kagame et tous les Tutsi qui veulent jouir de l'impunité pour leurs crimes dans la région.
Quant au moment, ce sera très bientôt pendant que la même armée de Kagame occupe encore le Nord et le Sud Kivu frontalier du Burundi.

Parade et prévention possibles du Burundi

Le Burundi devrait dénoncer cette manœuvre et demander au HCR que, en enregistrant chaque réfugié congolais au Burundi, il indique qui est FDLR ou pas, mais en se basant sur des critères tangibles et non pas sur le faciès car pour les Tutsi de la trempe de Paul Kagame, tout Hutu est FDLR alors que presque tous ces réfugiés sont hutu mais congolais.

Comme leçons, le Burundi devrait aussi apprendre du désarroi de la RDC qui va maintenant négocier en position de faiblesse et de l'humiliation de ses FARDC pour avoir perdu de vue le principe qui dit que :"C'est le rapport des forces militaires sur le terrain qui donne du poids aux arguments juridico-diplomatiques de chaque partie en négociations."

Le Burundi devrait donc se donner les moyens pour être en meilleur position lorsqu'on commencera à lui parler de négociation en vue de résoudre ce conflit par voies politico-diplomatiques.

Particularité de la guerre entre le Rwanda et le Burundi à travers l'Histoire

Les Royaumes du Rwanda et du Burundi ont toujours été des ennemis héréditaires et à travers des siècles même si les dynasties régnantes étaient toutes les deux de l'ethnie Tutsi. Ils furent en guerre souvent de façon que dans la culture de chaque royaume le fait était une réalité à inculquer à chaque génération.

Ainsi, au Rwanda, il était souvent utilisé le qualificatif  "umurundi" ( burundais) pour désigner quelqu'un de très méchant. Tandis qu'au Burundi, chaque enfant répondait  à ce lui qui lui demandait: "Quel est l'ennemi du Burundi? C'est le rwandais".

C'est de l'histoire militaire du Rwanda et du Burundi que sont nées certaines appellations des lieux  actuellement recensées en zone frontalière entre les 2 pays.

C'est le cas de l'appellation "Kirundo" et de l'expression " Yabuze Shinge na Rugero".

La province de Kirundo est une des 18 provinces du Burundi.  Elle fit frontière avec la région du Bugesera au Rwanda. Mais peu savent d'où vient cette appellation qui tant en Kirundi qu'en Kinyarwanda veut dire "un tas ou un amas".

L'expression date du 18 ou 19ème siècle quand le monarque alors régnant au Rwanda a voulu agrandir son royaume comme ses prédécesseurs mais cette fois-ci vers le Sud au Burundi. Son armée d'invasion venue de la région du Bugesera rencontra alors une résistance des combattants de l'armée du monarque du Burundi d'alors que le champ de bataille devint un amas (ikirundo) de corps des assaillants rwandais tués alors que les deux armées se battaient à l'arc et flèches et à la lance. Et pendant des mois ou des années, cet amas de squelettes  resta sur cette étendue et même toute la région fut appelée Kirundo tellement le tas des restes des  combattants rwandais entassés là avait marqué les esprits.

De même, tous les rwandophones usent de l'expression " yabuze Shinge na Rugero" pour décrire la situation de quelqu'un qui dans ses tentatives d'acquérir plus,  râterait tout et même ce qui était déjà acquis. Plus communément, celui qui n'a pas sur quoi s'appuyer.

Mais ceux qui connaissent la région Nord du Burundi frontalière du Rwanda et qui ont pu y voyager, connaissent tous des collines de la province Kirundo plus à l'intérieur dont l'une s'appelle Shinge et l'autre Rugero.

Lors de notre voyage au Burundi pour raison de service, nous avons traversé cette région. Nous avons été interpelé par cette toponymie lorsque notre guide nous a signalé successivement que nous étions en train de traverser les collines de Rugero puis de Shinge.

A une occasion propice, nous avons alors demandé à un vieux et historien d'où venaient les appellations de ces collines  qui sont les mêmes que dans l'adage rwandaise. Il nous a  alors expliqué toute leur histoire.

Au cours de ces guerres de conquête entre les deux royaumes, à un moment donné, le Mwami du Rwanda avait réussi à conquérir une région à l'intérieur du Burundi à partir du Bugesera. Il régna un temps sur le plateau de Rugero et tout semblait fini et le Burundi semblait avoir accepté le fait accompli.

Observant un plateau en face appartenant toujours au Burundi et séparé de sa conquête Rugero par une vallée, il décida de conquérir aussi ce plateau qui s'appelait Shinge. Son armée attaqua donc Shinge pour s'en emparer.

L'armée du Mwami du Burundi organisa une riposte et contre-attaqua. La risposte fut si foudroyante que les rwandais furent chassés de Shinge mais aussi poursuivis jusqu'à Rugero et chassés de là aussi et boutés dans leur Bugesera au-delà de l'Akanyaru et Cyohoha. Ainsi le Mwami du Rwanda qui voulait Shinge ne l'a pas eu mais a aussi perdu Rugero. D'où: "Yabuze Shinge na Rugero"!

Dans cette nouvelle guerre entre le Rwanda et le Burundi qui est en passe d'être déclenchée, on attendra pour savoir de quel côté se situera le Kirundo et qui manquera Shinge et Rugero comme le Mwami du Rwanda d'alors. Mais son descendant Paul Kagame devrait réaliser que même s'il chante que "U Rwanda rutatera ntituterwa" ( le Rwanda attaque mais ne peut être attaqué"), certaines  victimes de ses attaques peuvent lui infliger des Kirundo et lui faire perdre "Shinge na Rugero".

Puisse les responsables politiques et les FDNB,  forces de défense de la République actuelle être  aussi déterminés à défendre le Burundi comme le furent leurs aïeux  qui ont défendu vaillamment « Ingoma y'u Burundi »!

Tel est notre vœu.

Emmanuel Neretse


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"Be courteous to all, but intimate with few; and let those few be well tried before you give them your confidence",
George Washington.
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